The Morphological Development of the 3 M. Sg. Pronominal Suffix on Plural Nouns in Classical Hebrew
This article is the first half of a study, continued in the next volume of Hebrew Studies. The 3 m. sg. pronominal suffix on plural nouns is realized in several allomorphs in Classical Hebrew: in early Hebrew inscriptions, the suffix appears as <-W> and perhaps as <-YH>; in Biblical Hebr...
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Format: | Electronic Article |
Language: | English |
Check availability: | HBZ Gateway |
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Published: |
The National Association of Professors of Hebrew
2018
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In: |
Hebrew studies
Year: 2018, Volume: 59, Issue: 1, Pages: 39-64 |
Online Access: |
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Summary: | This article is the first half of a study, continued in the next volume of Hebrew Studies. The 3 m. sg. pronominal suffix on plural nouns is realized in several allomorphs in Classical Hebrew: in early Hebrew inscriptions, the suffix appears as <-W> and perhaps as <-YH>; in Biblical Hebrew, it usually appears as <-YW> (sometimes emended from <-W> in instances of Masoretic Qere readings), and occasionally as <-YHW> in poetic texts. In this study we provide a unified and principled linguistic account of these textual data, tracing the various phonological developments of the 3 m. sg. genitive suffix on plural nouns, and relating these phonological developments to the phonetic causes underlying them. After analyzing the phonological realizations of the high vocoids *U (/w/ and /u/) and * Y (/y/ and /i/) and of *H (found in the third-person pronominal morphemes), we identify three stages of development that produced the <-Y-> in Biblical Hebrew: (1) the linkage of the number-gender morpheme to a single slot in the skeletal tier (effectively yielding an early diphthong contraction *-aI > ē); (2) the deletion of *H in selected environments defined by accent and the surrounding vowels; and (3) the phonetically-motivated insertion of the glide *y in the hiatus environment [-e:w:]. |
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ISSN: | 2158-1681 |
Contains: | Enthalten in: Hebrew studies
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Persistent identifiers: | DOI: 10.1353/hbr.2018.0002 |